Calibrating U.S.-Kazakh Cooperation

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Over the past three decades, Kazakhstan, the largest economy in Central Asia, has emerged as a key player on the global stage. It currently holds the chairmanship of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Organization of Turkic States and hosted the last Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) annual summit. Despite its close ties with regional powers like Russia and China, Kazakhstan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy, a move aimed at maintaining its independence and avoiding over-reliance on any single global power.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has contributed to Washington having an increased interest in Central Asia, including Kazakhstan. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Astana has maintained a neutral stance, and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has publicly supported a diplomatic solution to the Russo-Ukrainian War. Moreover, Astana has offered to serve as a mediator in the conflict. Thus, in 2023, Secretary of State Antony Blinken visited Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, while President Biden took part in the first-ever C5+1 presidential gathering.

U.S. officials have needlessly harped on issues that should be of no concern to Washington, such as supporting Kazakhstan’s “territorial integrity” and “sovereignty.” Washington’s interests in Central Asia are limited, given its distance from the United States and proximity to Russia and China. Rather, the United States should focus its efforts on several areas of engagement that can provide mutual benefits between the two countries, including promoting nuclear nonproliferation, securing rare earth minerals, and facilitating effective transit routes.  

Nuclear Nonproliferation 

Before declaring its independence from the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan played a significant role in Soviet nuclear testing by hosting the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site. Yet, throughout Kazakhstan’s independent history, it has presented itself as a stalwart supporter of nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament efforts, closing the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site in 1991, transferring all of its Soviet-era nuclear weapons to the Russian Federation by April 1995, and contributing to the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, through which the United States helped Kazakhstan remove 1,322 pounds of highly enriched uranium (HEU) from the Ulba Metallurgical Plant in Ust-Kamenogorsk.

As nuclear guardrails between the two largest nuclear powers, the United States and Russia, have significantly deteriorated, cooperation with Kazakhstan in the sphere of nuclear nonproliferation and arms control is highly relevant. Astana could leverage its shared history with Russia and serve as a neutral mediator in future discussions between Washington and Moscow. Moreover, Kazakhstan’s experience in hosting a nuclear test site enables it to articulate the risks involved with nuclear testing and proliferation.

Rare Earth Minerals

Kazakhstan is home to significant deposits of rare earth elements (REEs) and rare metals (RMs) critical for current and emerging technologies. The United States is one of the most significant importers of Kazakh uranium, as uranium from Kazakhstan made up 25 percent of Washington’s imports of the heavy metal in 2022. In addition to uranium, Kazakhstan is entering ventures with countries like Germany and South Korea to become a reliable producer of high-quality lithium, a critical component of clean energy, including rechargeable batteries.

However, Astana has yet to tap into its full potential. 124 deposits of REEs and RMs have been found in Kazakhstan. Of these, only thirty-seven have been investigated. To foster mutual benefits, the United States and Kazakhstan should capitalize on their joint working group, formed in 2022, on trade and economic cooperation on REEs and RMs to discuss the possible intersections between Kazakh and U.S. businesses. U.S.-Kazakh private-public partnerships and educational programs could facilitate high-capacity and environmentally friendly mineral extraction.

Trade and Transit Routes

Washington has recently displayed its keen interest in establishing more significant trade ties with Astana. In June, U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai visited both Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the first-ever visit to Central Asia by a U.S. trade representative. Although trade is essential to U.S.-Kazakhstan relations, Soviet-era barriers such as the Jackson-Vanik Amendment needlessly inhibit mutually beneficial cooperation.

The Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974 was passed by Congress and signed into law by President Gerald Ford. This legislation denied permanent normal trading relations with non-free-market economies that restricted emigration rights. In particular, Jackson-Vanik aimed to help Jews emigrate from the Soviet Union. Yet, independent Kazakhstan is still subject to Jackson-Vanik despite having a vibrant Jewish community and a constitution that mandates religious tolerance. Repealing Jackson-Vanik would acknowledge Astana’s improvements in the sphere of human rights and allow for more fluid cooperation.

In addition to removing trade barriers, securing reliable transit routes will be critical to connecting Central Asia to the West. The Middle Corridor, a trade route from the Black Sea and the Caucasus to the Central Asian steppe, stands to be a more efficient alternative to others, such as the Red Sea route. Furthermore, the Russo-Ukrainian War triggered an increase in cargo traveling along the Middle Corridor from 350,000 tons in 2020 to 3.2 million tons in 2022. This is partially due to the disruptions faced by the Northern Corridor, a route that connects China to Europe via Kazakhstan, Russia, and Belarus, which has decreased by 40 percent since Russia invaded Ukraine.

By cooperating with countries like China that would benefit from a more efficient Middle Corridor, Western countries can secure a strategic trade corridor that enhances their economic interests and diversifies international trade routes. Through mutual diplomatic efforts, Washington can display its intentions to avoid zero-sum competition and stimulate collaboration.

For too long, the United States’ relations with Central Asian countries have been characterized by the former military presence in Afghanistan. Instead, Washington should operate within its limited interests in its relations with Kazakhstan by working on mutually beneficial endeavors. By shifting its approach towards nuclear and economic diplomacy, the United States can foster a more balanced and productive relationship with Kazakhstan that supports regional stability and prosperity.

Alex Little is an M.S. graduate of Georgia Tech specializing in Russian and Central Asian affairs and a Young Voices contributor.

Image: Max Zolotukhin / Shutterstock.com.

Источник: nationalinterest.org

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