The War Room newsletter: How Chinese hackers hunt American secrets

«Данное сообщение (материал) создано и (или) распространено иностранным средством массовой информации, выполняющим функции иностранного агента, и (или) российским юридическим лицом, выполняющим функции иностранного агента»

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This is the introduction to the War Room, a weekly, subscriber-only newsletter in which our correspondents turn their gaze on the latest developments in defence.

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Shashank Joshi, our defence editor, on Chinese hackers and how they operate

The average attendance at football matches in England’s Premier League is about 40,000. Even Manchester City, the current champions, boasted only 53,000 or so last year. Compare that with the Wangding Cup in Shenzhen, a city in south-eastern China. The tournament attracted more than 60,000 people in 2024, according to its organisers. The cup is not a sporting event—at least not in a traditional sense. It is a hacking competition sponsored by the Ministry of Public Security, China’s internal security service.

In this week’s issue, we look at China’s rise as a global cyber-power over the past decade. In 2013, when researchers first exposed a hacking group linked to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), Chinese cyber-operations were clumsy, loud and largely focused on stealing intellectual property, such as blueprints and trade secrets. All that has changed. Chinese hacking is now formidable, as demonstrated in two recent campaigns—Volt Typhoon, aimed at allowing China to sabotage American infrastructure during a crisis or war, and Salt Typhoon, which burrowed deep into American phone networks.

What I found most striking is how much Chinese hacking has been turbocharged by the country’s private sector. That includes traditional government contractors, but also firms which hack into foreign targets and then sell the access or the secrets to anyone who will buy them, including China’s provincial governments. Tournaments like the Wangding Cup allow Chinese hackers to hone and demonstrate their skills—and Chinese spies to recruit the best talent. The prize pot for the Matrix Cup in Qingdao last summer was a tidy $2.75m, according to one excellent paper  on these competitions.

A lot of public attention has been on Russian hacking. That is understandable. Russian hackers have also shown great prowess in penetrating America’s government and they have been active in Europe, too. Russia-based cyber-criminals have caused havoc. But the growth of Chinese cyber-power is “by far, the most significant shift in the cyber-threat landscape in well over a decade”, writes Ciaran Martin, the former head of Britain’s cyber-defence agency, in a recent essay. “The threat from China is significantly more serious than at any point in the digital age.”

Chinese hackers are not the only threat to American secrets. America’s government is perfectly capable of inflicting harm on itself. Donald Trump and the top members of his national-security team have all insisted that no classified information was shared in a Signal group chat earlier this month to which Jeffrey Goldberg, the editor-in-chief of the Atlantic, was accidentally added.

That argument, I believe, is bunk. The details of an imminent air strike shared by Pete Hegseth, the defence secretary, would clearly have been secret or top secret. The issue is not the use of Signal, which is well regarded among security experts. It is that any app, however secure, has to run on a device, like a phone, which can itself be compromised, allowing an eavesdropper to read messages before they are encrypted. Steve Witkoff, Mr Trump’s lead negotiator with Russia, appears to have been accessing the group chat on his personal device, which is less likely to have been secured against intrusions by hostile states.

What is ironic is that the American government spent decades attempting to restrict the use of end-to-end encryption, which it saw as a dangerous technology that would aid terrorists and criminals. After the Salt Typhoon hacks—which targeted unencrypted calls and texts—American authorities publicly urged people to use the very same encrypted services that they once vilified. Mr Trump’s national-security team clearly heeded that advice. But no amount of encryption will save you if you inadvertently invite the eavesdroppers to join your discussion.

In other news, we explored the effect of climate change on anti-submarine warfare, Russia’s effort to string out peace talks with America, Myanmar’s weaponisation of Chinese agricultural drones and the extraordinary life of Oleg Gordievsky, one of MI6’s most important spies during the cold war.

Now to letters. Iris in Berlin asks whether Russia wants America to invade Greenland to divert European attention from Ukraine. On March 28th Mr Trump repeated his threat to seize the Danish territory: “We’ll go as far as we have to go.” A few days earlier Vladimir Putin described Mr Trump’s plans as “serious” and said the row was “nothing to do with us”. I interpret that not just as an effort to draw an equivalence between American designs on Greenland and Russia’s on Ukraine, but also to suggest two spheres of influence. Mr Putin might not expect an American invasion, but he clearly sees potential in what is turning into a serious split inside NATO.

On the topic of American threats to allies, Michel in Ottawa would like to know if Canada might pull out of the North American Aerospace Defence Command (NORAD), which protects the continent from air and missile threats. I doubt it would go that far, barring a catastrophe. Canada could cripple America’s air defences, but it would also blind itself in the process. Yet on March 27th Mark Carney, Canada’s new prime minister, said that the old America-Canada relationship, with tight security and military co-operation, was “over”. A lot of attention has been paid to Mr Carney’s threat to curtail the country’s order of F-35 jets from America. Less noticed was that in recent weeks Canada also decided to buy a $4.2bn “over the horizon” radar system from Australia, which appears to reverse earlier plans to co-operate with America. Expect more of that sort of thing.

Simon suggests that America has never won a war since the 19th century without the assistance of allies. This isn’t quite true. America invaded Grenada (OK, not exactly a behemoth) in 1983 without any serious outside help. Ditto its invasion of Panama six years later. But its biggest wars—Korea, Vietnam, Iraq twice and Afghanistan—have all involved a range of foreign partners. Could it have fought in these countries without allies? Yes, probably. Would that have been costlier and harder? Certainly.

Finally, Susan asks why the Trump administration is seeking a partnership with Russia “in contradiction with the interests of America’s friends and allies”. In contradiction to its own interests, I might add. I don’t have a clear answer to that. But I would point you to a thought-provoking piece in last week’s issue, which looks at the increasing ideological alignment between the American and Russian right. The coalition of nationalists in America and Europe “rejects the basic precepts of enlightenment liberalism, like individualism and the universality of human rights”, we write. That critique is shared by pro-Putin Russians “who see an alliance against the decadence and depravity of liberalism”.

.css-1h7zq19{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-items:flex-start;-webkit-box-align:flex-start;-ms-flex-align:flex-start;align-items:flex-start;margin:1.3125rem 0 2.1875rem 0;gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1h7zq19{-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}}.css-1h7zq19 nav{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-flex-wrap:wrap;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;}.css-rb5rp6{font-family:var(–mb-typeface-sans);font-size:var(–mb-typestyle-title-1-size);font-style:normal;font-weight:var(–mb-font-weight-regular);line-height:var(–mb-typestyle-title-1-leading);font-variant:var(–mb-typestyle-title-1-figures);white-space:nowrap;-webkit-align-self:start;-ms-flex-item-align:start;align-self:start;}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-rb5rp6{padding-top:var(–mb-spacing-2xs);}}

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WorldChina.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0.875rem;}.css-v7aorn +.eq1asik0{margin-top:3rem;padding-bottom:0;}.el1rg701+.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71{position:relative;border-bottom:0;border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-35);}.css-9ejc71 .ebxshaw0{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*{padding:var(–mb-spacing-md) 0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0;}}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0 .e5z0ibw0{gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}.css-yb4x8x{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-align:stretch;-ms-flex-align:stretch;align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-pack:start;-ms-flex-pack:start;-webkit-justify-content:flex-start;justify-content:flex-start;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-box-pack:end;-ms-flex-pack:end;-webkit-justify-content:flex-end;justify-content:flex-end;}}.css-1j1j36d{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-flex-wrap:wrap;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;row-gap:0.6rem;-webkit-column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}ShareReuse this content.css-169lzn0{position:relative;-webkit-align-self:auto;-ms-flex-item-align:auto;align-self:auto;display:none;}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:9;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:13;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:13;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:17;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-start:1;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-end:span 4;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{display:block;}}.css-169lzn0:last-child::after{height:0;}.css-1y1zooy{display:inline;}.css-1y1zooy >*+*{margin-top:2rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:only-child{margin-top:1.25rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:last-child{position:-webkit-sticky;position:sticky;top:1.5rem;}.css-mqgbir{margin-top:6rem;}.css-mqgbir .ds-section-headline{margin-bottom:1rem;}

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Estate agents in China are trying everything to sell flats

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You can place your deposit in bushels of wheat or strings of garlic

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The Chinese government is cracking down on predatory law enforcement 

Extortion by local officials causes a lot of anger

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Chinese hackers are getting bigger, better and stealthier

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China is developing some startling new kit in its quest to seize Taiwan

It could land troops there more speedily than ever

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Источник: www.economist.com