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In marking the bombing of China’s embassy in Belgrade, Mr Xi is sending a message to America

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THE POPULATION of Serbia is less than one-third of Beijing’s. China’s trade with the Balkan country is less than one-fortieth of that with Germany. Yet for China’s ruler, Xi Jinping, Serbia is important. It is a rare close friend on a continent where wariness of China has become the norm. And the country’s capital, Belgrade, witnessed a seminal moment in the evolution of Chinese nationalism. Twenty-five years ago American bombs hit the Chinese embassy there, killing three people. On his first visit to Europe since 2019 Mr Xi held talks with Emmanuel Macron, the president of France, hoping to persuade him and his allies that China and its products are good for them. Then, in Serbia, Mr Xi used the anniversary of the bombing to make a thinly veiled point: that the Western-led order is bad and must be changed.

The world has changed dramatically since Mr Xi’s previous visit to Europe. A pandemic has swept it, keeping Mr Xi from venturing abroad for nearly three years. Russia—China’s “no limits” partner—has mounted an invasion of Ukraine, plunging Europe into its biggest security crisis since the cold war. Under President Joe Biden, America has ramped up a tech war with China aimed at curtailing its access to cutting-edge kit. The European Union now talks of “de-risking” its relationship with China. Amid accusations that China is dumping products on Western markets, calls for retaliation have been growing.

Mr Xi hopes Mr Macron’s vision of “strategic autonomy” for Europe might dovetail with China’s push for a “multipolar” world that is less in thrall to America. But, though feted by Mr Macron, Mr Xi also got an earful from him, not least over trade and Ukraine. And he, in turn, pushed back. “We oppose using the Ukraine crisis to cast blame, smear a third country and incite a new cold war,” he said.

In Serbia Mr Xi amplified his misgivings about the West. By recalling the embassy’s bombing, he apparently hoped to make two points: that American alliances are not merely defensive but threatening, and that China is a far stronger power today. Vuk Vuksanovic of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, a think-tank, reckons Mr Xi was thinking: “This is one episode where we had to turn the other cheek, where we were humiliated…but now we have risen, reborn like a phoenix.”

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Never mind that America has apologised for the bombing and paid compensation. The anniversary still resonates among Chinese, many of whom reject America’s insistence that its precision-guided missiles hit the wrong target as a result of an error caused by outdated maps and faulty databases. The attack was part of a NATO air campaign against Yugoslavia aimed at stopping atrocities in Kosovo. America says its intended target had been nearby offices involved in military procurement.

When he was last in Serbia, in 2016, Mr Xi visited the site of the bombing to pay homage to the three Chinese journalists who were killed there. He also laid a foundation stone for a new Chinese cultural centre (the embassy having moved elsewhere). Today the eight-storey edifice, with a statue of Confucius in front, makes a bold architectural statement of China’s soft power in a dreary-looking district (and, Chinese nationalists would be delighted to hear, towers over the neighbouring embassy of their nemesis, Japan).

Mr Xi skipped the site this time, though in a piece penned for Serbia’s Politika newspaper, he said China would “never allow such tragic history to repeat itself”. For Chinese tourists, the building and a monument next to it have become a magnet. An agricultural scientist in his 40s from Harbin, in China’s north-east, recalls joining the anti-NATO demonstrations that erupted in 1999—the most extensive street protests in China since the Tiananmen Square unrest a decade earlier. Unlike that pro-democracy upheaval, the uproar over NATO had the government’s blessing. The protests, says the visitor, saw young Chinese who had once worshipped the West, “thinking the foreign moon is rounder”, turn against it. Demonstrators splattered American and British embassy buildings with paint and smashed their windows.

At that time Mr Xi was the deputy Communist Party chief of Fujian province. Since 2012, as the country’s leader, he has encouraged the kind of nationalism that took hold in China after the bombing. On this year’s anniversary China’s social media brimmed with expressions of outrage. “That year, I was still an ignorant youth,” wrote one commenter. “It was the first time I learned about America’s bullying, the first time I cried in pain for strangers.”

China’s commemorations of the event help reinforce a view promoted by state media that NATO is an aggressor. Chinese officials echo Russian arguments that NATO’s expansion has threatened Russia’s security. Vladimir Milic, the editor of Savremena Kina, a Serbian website on Chinese affairs, notes China’s anxiety about American efforts to bolster its alliances in Asia. He says that by highlighting the embassy bombing, Mr Xi’s message was: “We need to be careful, see what they did.”

Serbia shares Chinese sympathy for Vladimir Putin. The country is not a member of NATO, nor of the EU, though it is a half-hearted applicant. Its autocratic leader, Aleksandar Vucic (pictured), provides Mr Xi with the kind of fawning praise that he is used to at home. In an interview in February with Chinese state television, he recalled a meeting with Mr Xi in 2016. “I realised that I was talking to a guy that was much, much, much smarter and much better prepared,” Mr Vucic said. Mr Vucic is also full-throated in his support for China’s position on Taiwan. “Taiwan is China. And it’s up to you, what, when, how you’re gonna do it. Full stop,” he told the interviewer, implying that Serbia would not oppose a Chinese attack on the island. It appreciates that China, unlike America and most of its allies, does not recognise Kosovo as an independent state.

As The Economist went to press, Mr Xi was wrapping up his European tour in neighbouring Hungary—a rarity as a country that is a member of the EU and NATO, as well as a staunch supporter of China. Like Serbia it is a proud participant in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a global infrastructure-building project; China is helping to build a high-speed rail link between Belgrade and Hungary’s capital, Budapest. The two countries are dotted with Chinese investments totalling billions of dollars. China delights in the political payback: Hungary digs in its heels when the EU tries to censure China on human rights.

It is unlikely that Mr Xi will win more converts to his cause in Europe as a result of his trip. But his show of support for the friends he has will be noted elsewhere in the world. China’s struggle with the West also involves a contest for support in the “global south”. Many of the world’s poorer countries share Serbia’s and Hungary’s eagerness for Chinese railways and factories. Mr Xi may be losing Europe, but he has plenty of other places to win. ■

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This article appeared in the China section of the print edition under the headline “Stirring ghosts”

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China

May 11th 2024

• →Visiting Europe, Xi Jinping brings up an old grievance
• →Why young Russian women appear so eager to marry Chinese men
• →In today’s China, to get rich is perilous

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From the May 11th 2024 edition

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Discover stories from this section and more in the list of contents

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Panama symbolises the Sino-American struggle for influence

The superpowers use soft and hard power

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Tensions with the West are fuelling China’s anxiety about food supplies

Grain pains are growing

Hail China’s new “ice-and-snow economy”

The country is betting on winter sports and tourism to boost growth in its rustbelt

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Источник: www.economist.com