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Xi Jinping wants Chinese systems of knowledge, free of Western values

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In beijing a quarter-century ago, Chaguan witnessed a rare event: a criminal court finding a defendant not guilty. Back then, over 90% of Chinese criminal trials ended in convictions. This time the accused—an alleged armed robber—walked free. A lack of hard evidence and his refusal to answer police questions proved decisive. So did his defence lawyer’s plea that it is better to acquit a guilty man than to risk the “horror” of jailing an innocent.

Alas, that hearing in October 1998 set no precedents. A mock trial, it was staged by the British government, which flew in a wig-wearing judge and lawyers and built a replica Crown Court in a Beijing hotel. The host was Cherie Booth, a barrister whose husband, Tony Blair, was on a prime-ministerial visit to China. Chinese legal scholars served as jurors. Your columnist, then a cub reporter on a first posting to Beijing, surveyed Chinese spectators and heard diverse views. “In our country, the criminal answers questions,” growled a police-academy instructor. “It is his duty.”

In those heady days China’s one-party state, though hardly liberal, welcomed debate with the world. To build a Chinese version of capitalism and attract foreign investors, Communist Party leaders of the 1980s and 1990s pledged to create an economy “ruled by law”. Chinese academics translated Western textbooks on everything from constitutional law to corporate bankruptcies, the regulation of monopolies and monetary policy. Universities and government research institutes filled with visiting Western scholars and experts. Young Chinese students and officials flocked to study in America, Britain and beyond.

Today, the intellectual currents are flowing the other way. Xi Jinping, China’s supreme leader, has called on scholars to create an “independent Chinese system of knowledge”, combining China’s traditional values with Marxist teachings and present-day party dogma. Mr Xi’s call to arms goes beyond long-standing official campaigns to push back whenever foreigners question the wisdom or benevolence of Chinese policies and actions. Rather, scholars are urged to avoid the supposed trap of engaging with Westerners who presume to judge China on the basis of foreign norms. From now on, it is declared, a self-confident China should defend itself with home-grown theories and measures of success. Scholars of economics, history, the law and political science—many of them Western-trained—are rising to the challenge.

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⇒All of our Chaguan coverage

On the face of it, arguments about how to study and understand China’s economy sound technical. Yao Yang, a development economist at Peking University, charges that “most economic research in China is useless” because academics choose topics that appeal to foreign economic journals, but are a poor fit with conditions on the ground in China. Whether the subject is local-government debt, industrial policy, innovation or demography, Professor Yao—who earned his PhD at the University of Wisconsin-Madison—says that researchers who apply “standard” (ie, Western) macroeconomic models to China “can’t understand China”. He offers examples. Many foreigners assert that the ageing and shrinking of China’s workforce will doom its economy. In fact, he says, Chinese experts believe that this will be offset by labour saved by automation and AI.

Yet this is more than a dispute about models. It is also a fight about values. By way of example, Professor Yao cites studies that attribute successful careers in Chinese business or officialdom to the power of personal connections. “That’s not the whole picture,” says the professor. He insists that Chinese officialdom is also, even mostly, a meritocracy. He accuses scholars who play down official merit of wanting to prove that China’s “system is corrupt”. He is no anti-Western firebrand. But he does believe that too many Western scholars are waiting, in vain, for China’s economy to collapse because of its political system. In contrast, he says that developing countries know they have much to learn from China’s “rich experience” of state guidance in the economy.

In the realm of justice, the days are long gone when Chinese prosecutors sought out Western counterparts to discuss foreign notions of due process, or scholars debated how national constitutions might be used to check or balance state power. In 2018 Mr Xi declared flatly that China must never adopt “constitutionalism”, judicial independence or other dangerous Western ideas.

In the 1990s and early 2000s some in China “worshipped” the rule of law in the West, says Tian Feilong, a law professor at the Minzu University of China and an influential advocate of imposing stern, “patriotic” systems of government and law on Hong Kong. But in time, he avers, Chinese scholars came to realise that Western conceptions of the rule of law could not “effectively explain” why Communist Party rule is legitimate. Nor could Western liberal theories explain why the party needs to guide the market as China’s economy grows. Because Western theories did not bless China’s practice, Chinese theories were needed. Today, growing pressure from America only reinforces the need for a legal system that reflects China’s “civilisation, history and political traditions”.

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No need now to listen to Western critics

Asked if today’s China still sets store by any legal principles that the West calls universal, Professor Tian replies yes, with a large caveat. In his telling, China puts peaceful development and the collective interest, public order, social harmony and national security above individual rights. Now China stands ready to share that wisdom. Professor Tian proudly asserts that governments from across the global south are sending delegations to study China’s “dignified and efficient” governance under a “strong ruling party”. He hopes the West learns to respect Chinese ways, one day.

Meanwhile, China’s criminal conviction rate has hit 99.95%. Foreigners with opinions about that are welcome to keep quiet. ■

Subscribers can sign up to Drum Tower, our new weekly newsletter, to understand what the world makes of China—and what China makes of the world.

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ChaguanXi JinpingChina.css-2x8c4j{margin:0.875rem 0;}.css-2x8c4j .e12sz0jx0+*{margin-top:0.875rem;}.el1rg701+.css-2x8c4j{margin-top:0;}.css-1aogxph{color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-20);font-family:var(–mb-typeface-sans);font-size:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-size);font-variant:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-figures);line-height:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-leading);}.css-1aogxph s,.css-1aogxph del{-webkit-text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;}.css-1aogxph b{font-weight:var(–mb-font-weight-semibold);}.css-1aogxph i{font-style:italic;}.css-1aogxph sup{font-feature-settings:’sups’ 1;}.css-1aogxph sub{font-feature-settings:’subs’ 1;}.css-1aogxph u{text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;}.css-1aogxph a{color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-20);-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;text-underline-offset:0.1875rem;}.css-1aogxph a:hover,.css-1aogxph a:focus,.css-1aogxph a:active{text-decoration-thickness:var(–mb-spacing-3xs);}.css-1aogxph a:hover{color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}.css-1aogxph a:hover span{text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}.css-1aogxph a:focus{background-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-90);color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-5);text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-5);outline:none;}.css-1aogxph a:active{background-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-90);color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}

This article appeared in the China section of the print edition under the headline “The nationalism of ideas”

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China

July 27th 2024

• →China unveils its new economic vision
• →The noose around the press in Hong Kong tightens
• →The nationalism of ideas

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From the July 27th 2024 edition

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Discover stories from this section and more in the list of contents

⇒Explore the edition.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0.875rem;}.css-v7aorn +.eq1asik0{margin-top:3rem;padding-bottom:0;}.el1rg701+.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71{position:relative;border-bottom:0;border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-35);}.css-9ejc71 .ebxshaw0{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*{padding:var(–mb-spacing-md) 0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0;}}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0 .e5z0ibw0{gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}.css-yb4x8x{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-align:stretch;-ms-flex-align:stretch;align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-pack:start;-ms-flex-pack:start;-webkit-justify-content:flex-start;justify-content:flex-start;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-box-pack:end;-ms-flex-pack:end;-webkit-justify-content:flex-end;justify-content:flex-end;}}.css-1j1j36d{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-flex-wrap:wrap;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;row-gap:0.6rem;-webkit-column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}ShareReuse this content.css-169lzn0{position:relative;-webkit-align-self:auto;-ms-flex-item-align:auto;align-self:auto;display:none;}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:9;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:13;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:13;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:17;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-start:1;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-end:span 4;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{display:block;}}.css-169lzn0:last-child::after{height:0;}.css-1y1zooy{display:inline;}.css-1y1zooy >*+*{margin-top:2rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:only-child{margin-top:1.25rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:last-child{position:-webkit-sticky;position:sticky;top:1.5rem;}.css-mqgbir{margin-top:6rem;}.css-mqgbir .ds-section-headline{margin-bottom:1rem;}

More from China

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Chinese authorities try to stop parents gaming the exam system (again)

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They will go to great lengths to try

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Hail China’s new “ice-and-snow economy”

The country is betting on winter sports and tourism to boost growth in its rustbelt

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Источник: www.economist.com