«Данное сообщение (материал) создано и (или) распространено иностранным средством массовой информации, выполняющим функции иностранного агента, и (или) российским юридическим лицом, выполняющим функции иностранного агента»

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And sends a terrible message to the people and businesses it is trying woo back

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WHEN CHINA foisted its suffocating national-security law on Hong Kong on July 1st 2020—the 23rd anniversary of its handover from Britain—one gleeful official called it a “birthday present”. Days after this year’s anniversary came another surprise. On July 3rd Hong Kong police offered a reward of HK$1m ($128,000) for information leading to the arrest of any of eight pro-democracy activists and former lawmakers who had fled to the West.

The eight are accused of various offences under the security law, including inciting secession and colluding with foreign powers. They are now thought to be living in America, Australia and Britain. At least one, Nathan Law in Britain (pictured), has been granted asylum. Another, Kevin Yam, is an Australian citizen.

Most have proved pesky critics of the government while they have been in exile. Steve Li, the police superintendent who unveiled the bounty scheme, noted that some had called for sanctions on Hong Kong. Such campaigning may be legal in the countries the activists now call home, but one of the many controversial aspects of the national-security law is its extra-territoriality. Hong Kong claims the right to prosecute not only those who are charged within its own territory, but also anybody in any country—of any nationality—it deems to have broken its security law.

Those with a bounty on their head may not feel in particularly fresh peril. Mr Yam says, “I will live my life as I always do.” Anna Kwok, who runs a non-profit in America called the Hong Kong Democracy Council, told The Economist that she and her fellow exiles already avoid places that have extradition treaties with Hong Kong or China. After hearing that her name was on the list, Ms Kwok reiterated her demand that John Lee, Hong Kong’s chief executive, be barred from attending the summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation, or APEC, to be held in San Francisco in November.

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The activists’ adopted countries show no signs of forsaking them. America, Australia and Britain condemned Hong Kong’s move and expressed their support for free speech. Even Mr Li seemed unconvinced about the prospects of his scheme. “If they don’t return, we won’t be able to arrest them, that’s a fact,” he said, though he insisted the offer of a reward might prove useful if they ever try to sneak back into Hong Kong. Mr Lee appealed, rather desperately, for the absconders to “hand themselves in as soon as possible”.

The furore comes at a time when Hong Kong is trying to rehabilitate its global reputation. After a brutal 2022, when harsh covid restrictions contributed to a recession and prompted an exodus of residents, the government is trying to woo back tourists and businesses. In April it launched a campaign called “Happy Hong Kong”. Given that effort, and the likely ineffectiveness of the bounties, many observers are wondering why the government is targeting the activists in such a way.

It’s performative “moustache twirling”, says Alvin Cheung of Queen’s University Faculty of Law in Canada. Hong Kong’s government is exasperated with Western criticism of the security law, under which more than 260 people have been arrested, including four on July 5th for allegedly supporting people overseas who “endanger national security”. Last month members of the European Parliament called for sanctions on Hong Kong officials over the “deterioration of fundamental freedoms” in the city. Britain has accepted nearly 150,000 visa applications from Hong Kongers under a special scheme since the security law was introduced.

The bounties, then, may be seen as a peacockish riposte to the West—and a public demonstration of Hong Kong’s fealty to the government in Beijing. They also serve to highlight the nature of Hong Kong’s “dual state”, says Mr Cheung. On one level the bureaucracy and judiciary abide by a legal system that is well codified and equitably administered. But, he says, there is now a second, overarching “prerogative state” that operates with few legal restraints. That is handy for keeping troublemakers in check. For international types who once favoured Hong Kong for its stability and rule of law, it is a worry. ■

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This article appeared in the China section of the print edition under the headline “Scrutiny on the bounty”

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China

July 8th 2023

• →China’s Communist Party is tightening its grip in businesses
• →Hong Kong puts a price on the heads of democracy activists
• →Challenging the stigma associated with single mothers in China
• →China’s message to the global south

.css-ra48xw{font-family:var(–mb-typeface-serif);position:relative;}.css-duuyjs{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-box-pack:column;-ms-flex-pack:column;-webkit-justify-content:column;justify-content:column;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;text-align:center;-webkit-column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-lg);column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-lg);}.css-s61v3v{border-radius:0.125rem;box-shadow:-0.125rem 0.125rem 0.25rem 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.4);margin-bottom:0.75rem;min-width:10rem;max-width:12rem;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-s61v3v{min-width:12rem;}}.css-s61v3v img{display:block;max-width:100%;}.css-std7t4{max-width:16rem;}.css-nba04v{color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-5);font-family:var(–mb-typeface-serif);font-size:var(–mb-typestyle-title-3-size);font-variant:var(–mb-typestyle-title-3-figures);font-weight:var(–mb-font-weight-medium);line-height:var(–mb-typestyle-title-3-leading);margin-bottom:0.25rem;}

From the July 8th 2023 edition

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Discover stories from this section and more in the list of contents

⇒Explore the edition.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0.875rem;}.css-v7aorn +.eq1asik0{margin-top:3rem;padding-bottom:0;}.el1rg701+.css-v7aorn{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71{position:relative;border-bottom:0;border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-35);}.css-9ejc71 .ebxshaw0{margin-top:0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*{padding:var(–mb-spacing-md) 0;}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0.0625rem solid var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-85);}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0>*:nth-of-type(2){border-top:0;}}.css-9ejc71 >.e5z0ibw0 .e5z0ibw0{gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}.css-yb4x8x{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-align:stretch;-ms-flex-align:stretch;align-items:stretch;-webkit-box-pack:start;-ms-flex-pack:start;-webkit-justify-content:flex-start;justify-content:flex-start;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-yb4x8x{-webkit-box-pack:end;-ms-flex-pack:end;-webkit-justify-content:flex-end;justify-content:flex-end;}}.css-1j1j36d{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-flex-wrap:wrap;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;row-gap:0.6rem;-webkit-column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);column-gap:var(–mb-spacing-sm);}ShareReuse this content.css-169lzn0{position:relative;-webkit-align-self:auto;-ms-flex-item-align:auto;align-self:auto;display:none;}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:9;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-start:13;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:13;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-column-end:17;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-start:1;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{grid-row-end:span 4;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-169lzn0{display:block;}}.css-169lzn0:last-child::after{height:0;}.css-1y1zooy{display:inline;}.css-1y1zooy >*+*{margin-top:2rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:only-child{margin-top:1.25rem;}.css-1y1zooy >*:last-child{position:-webkit-sticky;position:sticky;top:1.5rem;}.css-mqgbir{margin-top:6rem;}.css-mqgbir .ds-section-headline{margin-bottom:1rem;}

More from China

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Chinese authorities try to stop parents gaming the exam system (again)

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They will go to great lengths to try

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China’s alarming sex imbalance

By 2027 one in six young Chinese men won’t be able to find a partner

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Behind DeepSeek lies a dazzling Chinese university

It models itself on Stanford, and is in the tech hotspot of Hangzhou

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Panama symbolises the Sino-American struggle for influence

The superpowers use soft and hard power

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Tensions with the West are fuelling China’s anxiety about food supplies

Grain pains are growing

Hail China’s new “ice-and-snow economy”

The country is betting on winter sports and tourism to boost growth in its rustbelt

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Источник: www.economist.com