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Some Israelis are rethinking the country that refuses to call Hamas a terrorist group

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THERE IS LITTLE doubt which side China favours in the Gaza war. Its muted response to the October 7th attacks on Israel—in which it failed to condemn the perpetrator, Hamas—stands in sharp contrast to its denunciation of Israel’s actions since then. Just days after the war began, the Chinese foreign Minister, Wang Yi, said that Israel had already gone “beyond the scope of self-defence”.

But China’s criticism belies a more complicated relationship with Israel, one that leaders in Beijing have long tried to cultivate. Israel has reciprocated, with its prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, once calling their ties a “marriage made in heaven”. The war is not the first test of that bond. Now, though, Israelis are asking new questions about their putative partner.

It took a while for China to come around to Israel. During the 1960s Mao Zedong provided arms and training to the Palestine Liberation Organisation. In 1975 Chinese officials at the UN supported a resolution that equated Zionism with racism. But in recent decades China has advocated a two-state solution and given little aid to the Palestinians. In 2022, for example, China gave just $1m to the UN agency providing relief to Palestinian refugees. America, by contrast, gave $343m.

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Meanwhile, China’s relationship with Israel blossomed. In 2013 Mr Netanyahu introduced a “look east” policy just as China’s president, Xi Jinping, announced his Belt and Road Initiative, a global infrastructure binge. China was interested in Israeli technology; Israel wanted to tap the Chinese market. In 2017 they established a partnership to promote high-tech co-operation. Mr Netanyahu said Israel was a “perfect junior partner” for China. In a survey conducted by Pew in 2023, before the Gaza war, nearly half of Israelis said they viewed China favourably, a much higher percentage than in most democratic countries.

None of this pleased America, which is Israel’s biggest backer and supplier of arms (though this is now the subject of fierce debate in Washington). America has in the past told Israel not to sell radar systems and assault drones to China, while raising concerns about Chinese investments in Israeli ports and telecom networks. Partly in response, Israel set up an official committee to review foreign investments in 2020. Since then Chinese companies have won fewer tenders. Still, China remains the second-biggest buyer of Israeli exports and the largest supplier of its imports.

Israelis, though, are increasingly voicing their own concerns about China. Since the start of the war, local media have featured discussions of whether Chinese investment is a security risk. Analysts and officials describe a nosedive in China’s favourability rating among the Israeli public, not least because antisemitism is surging on Chinese social media. Some Israelis, unhappy with China’s support for the Palestinians, are boycotting Chinese shopping sites. “The public in Israel has shifted its way of looking at China, from ‘China has a lot of money’ to ‘China is an enemy’,” says Galia Lavi of the Institute for National Security Studies, a think-tank in Israel.

How might this change official ties? Efraim Halevy, a former chief of Israel’s foreign-intelligence agency, Mossad, says the Israeli government is being more cautious in its dealings with China. But, he adds, “since the Chinese are becoming much more active in the Middle East and were very active in the rapprochement between the Saudis and Iranians last year, Israel also needs to maintain a serious relationship with China.” As Iran’s top oil importer, China has “major leverage” that Israelis hope it will use in a positive manner, says an Israeli official. Others fear that China might wield its influence against Israel. “We don’t want China to be our enemy,” says Gedaliah Afterman of the Abba Eban Institute, another Israeli think-tank.

China, for its part, still wants to develop relations, especially in high-tech fields, says Fan Hongda of the Middle East Studies Institute at Shanghai International Studies University. In some ways the war is bringing the countries together. Lately Israeli firms have had trouble raising funds owing to the conflict. Chinese investors, facing a sluggish economy at home, are looking abroad. Quietly some big deals have been struck, say Israeli executives. “China will have a strategic role in whatever comes next in the region,” says Erel Margalit of Jerusalem Venture Partners, one of Israel’s largest venture-capital funds.

But there is a feeling that something has changed in the relationship. A decade ago Israeli officials and businessmen spoke of China as a place worthy of their focus. Now they are more excited about the prospect of India and the Gulf states as potential partners. China is not counted out. But a country that cosies up to Iran, votes against Israel at the UN and refuses to call Hamas a terrorist group might not be the perfect partner. ■

Subscribers can sign up to Drum Tower, our new weekly newsletter, to understand what the world makes of China—and what China makes of the world.

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ChinaIsrael.css-2x8c4j{margin:0.875rem 0;}.css-2x8c4j .e12sz0jx0+*{margin-top:0.875rem;}.el1rg701+.css-2x8c4j{margin-top:0;}.css-1aogxph{color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-20);font-family:var(–mb-typeface-sans);font-size:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-size);font-variant:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-figures);line-height:var(–mb-typestyle-label-2-leading);}.css-1aogxph s,.css-1aogxph del{-webkit-text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;}.css-1aogxph b{font-weight:var(–mb-font-weight-semibold);}.css-1aogxph i{font-style:italic;}.css-1aogxph sup{font-feature-settings:’sups’ 1;}.css-1aogxph sub{font-feature-settings:’subs’ 1;}.css-1aogxph u{text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;}.css-1aogxph a{color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-20);-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;text-decoration-thickness:0.0625rem;text-underline-offset:0.1875rem;}.css-1aogxph a:hover,.css-1aogxph a:focus,.css-1aogxph a:active{text-decoration-thickness:var(–mb-spacing-3xs);}.css-1aogxph a:hover{color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}.css-1aogxph a:hover span{text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}.css-1aogxph a:focus{background-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-90);color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-5);text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-greyscale-london-5);outline:none;}.css-1aogxph a:active{background-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-90);color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);text-decoration-color:var(–mb-colour-base-chicago-30);}

This article appeared in the China section of the print edition under the headline “A relationship under fire”

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China

April 13th 2024

• →China’s high-stakes struggle to defy demographic disaster
• →Will China’s ties with Israel survive the Gaza war?
• →What Ramadan is like in Xinjiang

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From the April 13th 2024 edition

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Discover stories from this section and more in the list of contents

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They will go to great lengths to try

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Hail China’s new “ice-and-snow economy”

The country is betting on winter sports and tourism to boost growth in its rustbelt

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Источник: www.economist.com